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Sri Lanka’s financial institutions are witnessing a sharp rise in vehicle-backed loans in 2025, igniting fresh concern among analysts and regulators over growing credit exposure and potential threats to financial stability. The surge driven by renewed consumer demand, relaxed import restrictions, and aggressive lending campaigns has made vehicle loans one of the fastest-growing segments of the post-crisis credit market.

According to data from the Central Bank and industry sources, vehicle loans have expanded by over 30% this year alone. While this growth has temporarily boosted the automotive and leasing sectors, it also exposes banks and finance companies to heightened credit and liquidity risks. Experts warn that unless carefully managed, this trend could erode asset quality and depositors’ confidence echoing the early signs of previous financial imbalances.

Vehicle loans are typically consumption-based and depend heavily on borrowers’ income stability. Many of these borrowers work in the informal or gig economy, where earnings fluctuate. Although interest rates have eased, repayment capacity remains fragile. A sudden increase in rates or a slowdown in household income growth could quickly trigger defaults, especially as vehicle collateral depreciates far more rapidly than real estate or equity assets.

Analysts caution that the sector is showing early symptoms of credit overheating. During the 2018–2019 credit expansion, vehicle loans contributed significantly to non-performing loans (NPLs) when consumer spending cooled. The Central Bank’s Financial Stability Review has already identified asset-backed lending particularly in vehicles as an area requiring closer scrutiny and stricter prudential standards.

For depositors, the implications are indirect but critical. If financial institutions face rising defaults, pressure on capital buffers and liquidity could spread to the broader banking network, undermining depositor trust. This concern is particularly relevant for smaller finance and leasing companies that rely heavily on short-term deposits to fund their lending portfolios.

Some analysts also question whether certain lenders are overstating asset valuations or underestimating borrower risk to achieve lending targets. Such practices could distort financial statements and conceal underlying vulnerabilities.

To avert potential instability, experts urge the Central Bank of Sri Lanka to tighten loan-to-value (LTV) ratios, enforce enhanced risk-weighting on vehicle-backed assets, and conduct targeted stress tests on vehicle loan portfolios. Strengthening credit assessment frameworks and ensuring transparent reporting of sector-specific NPLs are seen as crucial steps to prevent systemic exposure.

As Sri Lanka’s economy stabilizes after years of turbulence, the Central Bank faces the challenge of balancing credit growth with prudence. Without swift and coordinated regulatory action, the ongoing boom in vehicle loans could turn into the next stress point for the country’s financial institutions, threatening both profitability and public confidence.

Sri Lanka’s export sector has posted encouraging figures for the first nine months of 2025, but beneath the surface of growth lies a complex web of structural weaknesses and competitiveness challenges that continue to constrain long-term progress.

According to the latest Export Development Board (EDB) report, total export earnings—including both merchandise and services—stood at US$ 12,986.52 million, marking a 7% year-on-year increase from 2024. September alone generated US$ 1,469.75 million, up 12.33% compared to the same month last year. Merchandise exports, valued at US$ 10,240.52 million between January and September, rose by 7.59%, driven primarily by apparel, rubber-based products, and food and beverages.

However, industry experts caution that these headline figures paint only a partial picture. Exporters continue to grapple with currency volatility, high logistics costs, limited access to working capital, and declining competitiveness in global value chains. Despite a moderate recovery in global demand, many Sri Lankan exporters—especially in apparel and rubber sectors—are struggling with rising input costs, frequent power disruptions, and regulatory delays that erode margins.

While India, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the UAE, Canada, France, and China recorded notable year-on-year growth, the country’s largest export destination, the United States, showed a 2.84% dip in September 2025, with exports falling to US$ 238.72 million. Although cumulative exports to the U.S. increased by 3.04% over the nine months, the slowdown underscores the sector’s heavy reliance on a few key markets amid weakening consumer demand in Western economies.

India emerged as a stronger partner, with exports surging by 31.7% in September and 23.09% cumulatively, surpassing the United Kingdom. Yet, trade analysts note that much of this growth stems from re-export activities and short-term commodity shipments, rather than sustainable value-added diversification.

Adding to the strain are rising freight charges and port congestion in Colombo, which continue to delay shipments and inflate delivery costs. Exporters have repeatedly urged authorities to modernize port infrastructure and customs clearance procedures, but reforms remain sluggish. The apparel sector, contributing nearly 40% of total merchandise exports, is also facing shrinking global orders due to price competition from Bangladesh and Vietnam.

Economists warn that Sri Lanka’s export base remains narrow and vulnerable to global shocks, with over 60% concentrated in a few traditional categories. Without targeted investment in innovation, digital trade facilitation, renewable energy, and export financing, the country risks stagnating despite short-term gains.

As one senior trade analyst remarked, “The numbers look good on paper, but unless Sri Lanka addresses its deep-rooted inefficiencies, the export success story will remain fragile.”

Sri Lanka’s preferential access to the European Union market under the GSP+ trade facility is facing a serious threat as Brussels prepares for its next review of the scheme. Once considered a diplomatic success that opened doors for exports worth billions, the GSP+ concession is now at risk due to what analysts describe as the government’s weak and uncoordinated foreign policy handling and the poor communication skills of ministers overseeing external relations.

Since 2017, GSP+ has allowed Sri Lanka duty-free access to the EU for over 66% of tariff lines—vital for the garment, rubber, spice, and seafood industries. But the scheme requires strict compliance with 27 international conventions on human rights, labour standards, environmental protection, and governance. The EU’s upcoming regulatory overhaul will expand these to 33, adding new conventions on organized crime, climate change, disability rights, and labour inspection.

While these changes are meant to standardize global compliance, the process has become more rigorous and politically sensitive. EU officials now expect detailed implementation timetables and verifiable reforms. In Colombo, however, senior diplomats and trade analysts warn that the government has failed to engage Brussels effectively. Poorly briefed ministers, ad-hoc responses to EU inquiries, and internal policy confusion have all contributed to the perception that Sri Lanka’s compliance is more rhetorical than real.

The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) remains a sticking point. Despite limited reforms, the EU continues to express concern over due process and arbitrary detention. Officials in Brussels have also flagged the slow pace of reconciliation, minority protection, and governance reforms, areas long tied to the GSP+ monitoring process. “Implementation must go beyond promises on paper,” one EU source said, warning that political backsliding could jeopardize trade privileges.

The stakes are high. The apparel sector, which employs nearly one million people directly and indirectly, depends heavily on GSP+ for tariff-free access to its largest export market. Losing this facility estimated to save exporters over €500 million annually would not only shrink export revenues but also dampen investor confidence and weaken post-crisis economic recovery.

Experts argue that Sri Lanka’s diplomatic machinery has become fragmented. Instead of proactive, strategic engagement with the EU, officials often rely on last-minute lobbying. This lack of professionalism, coupled with the absence of clear communication from the Foreign and Trade ministries, has created an impression of amateurism and policy drift at a time when credibility matters most.

Unless the government undertakes urgent, well-coordinated diplomatic engagement and demonstrates real progress in human rights, environmental protection, and governance reforms, Sri Lanka could find itself once again suspended from the GSP+ facility repeating the costly mistake of 2010.

The Sri Lankan Cabinet of Ministers yesterday approved sweeping amendments to the Strategic Development Projects Act (SDP Act) originally passed during the Mahinda Rajapaksa era, paving the way for targeted tax incentives to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) into large-scale projects. The move is explicitly designed to circumvent the limitations on tax incentives imposed under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, sparking concerns about the hidden agenda behind the reform.

In a statement, Cabinet spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa said that the draft amendments have cleared the Attorney General’s review, will be gazetted and tabled in Parliament shortly. The government stressed the revision is focused on “capital-intensive projects that are critical for the country’s economic recovery” while insisting fiscal discipline under the IMF programme will be upheld.

At the heart of the change lies the government’s bid to revive delayed megaprojects such as the $3.7 billion Hambantota Port & oil-refinery scheme and the Port City Colombo development — both long stalled because tax concessions were not permissible under existing law. Through the amendments, strategic projects will again be eligible for exemptions or holidays on corporate tax, VAT, import tariffs and other levies under the SDP framework. Historically the SDP Act has been criticised for offering 12-year VAT import exemptions and other tax breaks. 

But the IMF, under its 48-month Extended Fund Facility (EFF) approved in March 2023, has repeatedly stressed that Sri Lanka must avoid granting broad tax concessions, strengthen tax-exemption frameworks, and boost revenue mobilisation. In a March 2025 press briefing the IMF warned that “unsustainably low taxes and sizeable tax exemptions largely benefiting enterprises rather than people were an accident waiting to happen”. 

The same guidance emphasises that tax-exemption regimes must be transparent, justified, and aligned with broader fiscal reform. 

Analysts are already interpreting the amendment’s hidden purpose: to create a carve-out allowing flagship foreign-investment projects to operate outside the IMF-mandated discipline. The timing raises alarm, because Sri Lanka’s current IMF review cycle emphasises revenue recovery, trimming exemptions, and strengthening public-financial management. For example, the IMF’s July 2025 staff mission underscored that “the tax exemption framework should be well designed to reduce fiscal costs and corruption risks, while enabling growth.” 

Critics argue that the amendment may undermine the broader reform agenda. The World Bank and Human Rights Watch have warned that long tax holidays weaken public finances, distort fiscal equity and push people into poverty. Advocata Institute Chairman and JB Securities CEO Murtaza Jafferjee recently wrote: “There is no defensible justification for granting tax concessions in the Port City. The location is already uniquely advantaged… Layering tax concessions on top is both unjust to other taxpayers and corrosive to the broader economy.”

As Sri Lanka seeks to balance the twin imperatives of reviving investment flows and satisfying IMF reform conditions, the amendment signals a critical test. Will the government’s drive for mega-FDI projects override its commitment to revenue discipline and transparency? Or can this tailored tax incentive regime be designed in a way that aligns with the IMF’s framework for a sustainable recovery? The questions will matter not just for these flagship projects, but for the country’s broader fiscal future.

Opposition MP Jagath Vithane told Parliament today that he is facing a death threat and it has been confirmed by the Inspector General of Police (IGP) as well.

Vithane said the IGP has informed the Kalutara SSP to take action on the plot to kill him.

He said the plan is to kill him while he is coming out of his residence.

The MP therefore urged Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne to take steps with regard to the threat.

Deputy Speaker Rizvi Salih who was in the chair assured that the matter will be brought to the attention of the Speaker.

(Source - Dailymirror)

The crown of Lihaasha Lindsay-White — who was crowned Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2025 — has reportedly been recovered after going missing while she was travelling in a taxi in Bangkok, Thailand, on October 19.

She had left the crown and a dark green outfit inside the taxi near the Siam Center Point area in the Pathum Wan district, and later reported the incident to Thailand’s 1155 Tourist Service Hotline.

The Thai Tourist Police assisted her, and using CCTV footage, officials were able to identify the taxi and its driver.

The driver was then contacted, and he returned the missing items to the Bangkok South Tourist Police Station on October 20.

“Thailand is truly a safe country with police officers who genuinely care about tourists,” Lindsay-White said, adding that she hopes to share her positive experience with the world.

The 27-year-old is currently in Thailand to participate in the Miss Universe pageant.

Let’s face it — in today’s notification-obsessed, meeting-heavy work culture, staying focused feels harder than ever. Whether you’re grinding through tasks or leading a team, the real superpower isn’t working harder — it’s working smarter.

Inspired by the ideas behind “Indistractable,” here are nine practical habits to help you protect your focus and boost productivity — without burning out.

1. Treat Your Calendar Like a Contract (Timeboxing) Don’t just make a to-do list — assign every task an actual place on your calendar. When your day is timeboxed, there's no room for guesswork or accidental procrastination. Your brain knows exactly what to focus on and when.

2. Sync, Don’t Sink — Align Schedules with Your Team Unexpected pings and surprise meetings kill flow. Align your deep-work hours with your teammates beforehand so everyone guards the same focus zones. Less chaos, more productivity.

3. Take Control of External Interruptions Emails, Slack, buzzing phones — death by a thousand distractions. Mute non-critical notifications, set boundaries (“reply windows”), and train your environment to respect your focus.

4. Beat Procrastination with the 10-Minute Trick Tell your lazy brain: “I’ll just do this for 10 minutes.” Nine times out of ten, momentum takes over — and you’ll keep going. Starting is the hardest part. Hack it.

5. Use Precommitment Like a Trap for Future You If willpower is unreliable, outsmart it in advance. Block distracting websites. Commit to a colleague. Schedule publicly. Make quitting harder than finishing.

6. Engineer a Focus-Friendly Workspace Your space either fuels your attention or fragments it. Declutter. Use noise-canceling headphones. Keep it calm, inspiring, and intentional — not visually chaotic.

7. Build a Team Culture Where It’s Safe to Speak Up Teams only thrive when people feel safe to share ideas and block toxic patterns. Psychological safety = higher engagement + real productivity, not just busy-ness.

8. Normalize Predictable Breaks and No-Meeting Zones Productivity isn’t about working nonstop — it’s about recovering smartly. Create sacred “focus hours” and predictable rest windows to avoid burnout on autopilot.

9. Reflect Weekly — and Adjust on Purpose Don’t wait for burnout to diagnose the problem. Do a quick weekly audit — what boosted your productivity? What derailed it? Tweak, evolve, repeat.

The Colombo Port Police have launched an investigation after a body was discovered in the sea near the jetty of the Adani Terminal at Colombo Port, following a tip-off.

The identity of the deceased, believed to be a man about 5 feet tall with slightly grown hair, has not yet been confirmed.

Police said the body was in a deteriorated condition, making identification difficult, and was wearing blue denim trousers.

Following a Magistrate’s inquest, the body has been deposited at the Colombo National Hospital morgue.

(Source - dailymirror)

Model Piumi Hansamali has clarified her position following an inquiry by the CID regarding alleged ties to underworld figure Mandinu Padmasiri Perera, known as ‘Kehelbaddara Padme’.

Issuing a statement today (22) via Facebook, Hansamali said her only interaction with Padme was recommending her own beauty products to him. She noted that she had first met him in April 2022 at a New Year celebration in Dubai, which was also attended by several other actors and actresses, along with his family.

Hansamali added that the CID had questioned her about any financial transactions linked to Padme, which she denied, emphasizing that there had been no such dealings.

"Hi  good afternoon  wishing my lovely friends a beautiful day 

So about 4 years ago — that is, in April 2022 — I went to a New Year celebration in Dubai along with some other actors and actresses. That’s actually where I first saw this person called Padme. He was there with his wife and children as well.

He even took photos with me  and at that moment he told me that he also wants to become fair and beautiful. So he wanted Piumi Skin, and I told him to go ahead and apply it  I’m pretty sure he actually used it — because now he’s seriously so fair and good-looking 

Then CID officers asked me whether I had done any financial dealings with him  but never ever — I have not taken even a single cent of drug money, illegal money, or black money. I don’t need that. I am a self-made woman. I built myself up alone.

I have my own Piumi Skin Private Limited company. So I don’t need money from anyone in the underworld  If I take that kind of money, they’ll just shoot me — I’m scared of that kind of thing, promise 

I always say — anyone can become fair and beautiful using Piumi Skin."

Environmental pollution and health risks of serious nature are feared during the loading and unloading process of raw materials for cement production.

Clinkers, gypsum and slag emit dust particles harmful to the environment and causing cancer at Hambantota port and at the factories, area residents say.

Some of the companies use covered conveyor belts to transport the material, while others do their unloading in open ground.

Transport of the material from the port to a factory in Galle is being done in open trucks.

Experts advise the proper use of conveyer belts to avoid this situation.

• Can the Public Prosecutor ensure the Independence of the Public Prosecution? Fragmented prosecutorial structures and political interference threaten the integrity and effectiveness of Sri Lanka’s justice system
• We need simply one thing to guarantee the independence of the public prosecution in this country. That is, politicians…please refrain from interfering or influencing the Attorney-General
• We need simply one thing to guarantee the independence of the public prosecution in this country. That is, politicians; however, please refrain from interfering or influencing the Attorney-General, his department
• Introducing another prosecutorial body requires only the creation of a new bureaucratic structure, budgetary allocations, rules of procedure and complex coordination with the police and judiciary, which will paralyze ongoing prosecutions
• The collapse of major cases such as the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo ‘ZTE’ telecommunications scandal illustrated how two competing prosecutorial bodies fragmented evidence, contradicted each other’s findings, and ultimately failed to secure convictions

Sri Lanka faces a renewed debate over prosecutorial independence as proposals to create a separate Public Prosecutor’s Office surface. Historical and international examples show dual prosecutorial systems often lead to fragmented evidence, political manipulation, and failed convictions. Experts warn the Attorney-General’s Department’s unity is crucial to safeguard impartial justice.

When the Maritime Provinces of the Island of Ceylon was under British occupation, Colonial Rulers adopted the Royal Charter of 1801, under which the office of the Governor was first established and Sir Frederick North was appointed as the first Governor.

Sir Frederick North

By the same Charter, the Supreme Court was first established in then Ceylon in 1801. The Charter provided for the appointment of the Advocate Fiscal to prosecute against criminals charged with grave crimes. The same Charter facilitated for the admission of Advocates and Proctors of the Supreme Court. Advocate Fiscal was the Chief Prosecuting Officer on behalf of the Crown.

In 1833, after the Kandyan Provinces were also annexed to the Maritime Provinces, the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court was extended to the whole Island and the Advocate Fiscal continued as the Principal Law officer of the Government.

The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in 1816

Later on, he was known as the ‘King’s Advocate’ (or ‘Queen’s Advocate’ as the case may be). Later they introduced two offices as the Queen’s Advocate and the Deputy Queen’s Advocate. They have been redesignated as ‘the Attorney General’ and ‘the Solicitor General’, in 1884. Since then, the Attorney General was the Chief Law Officer as well as the Chief Prosecutor of the Government. The evolution of this office has been discussed by Dr. D. F. H. Gunawardhana, J. in the case of H.M.N. Devapriya Vs. Chief Inspecter of Police Head Quarters (CA (Writ) No. 589/2024 C.A. Minute dated 17.07.2025)

The Office of the Attorney General continued after the adoption of the Ceylon Independence Act. Article 108 of the First Republican Constitution in 1972 also recognized the said office.

During the reign of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, (1970 -1977) the National State Assembly enacted the Administrative Justice Law No. 44 of 1973 by which the Office of Public Prosecutor was established for the purpose of prosecution in criminal cases.

Thereafter, National State Assembly enacted the Administrative Justice Law No.44 of 1973 and section 80-83 thereof, the Director of Public Prosecution was vested with the powers and duties of public prosecution. It was functioned until 1978.

After the enactment of the Second Republican Constitution and the re-introduction of the Criminal Procedure Code, sole power of prosecution was exercised by the Attorney-General and his Department.

During the period where Prime Minister Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike ruled the country, the offices of the Public Prosecutor and the Bribery Commissioner came under severe criticism as they were not impartial and politically motivated.

Prime Minister Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike

One cannot simply deny the fact that they were under tremendous political pressure and failed to demonstrate their impartiality to the political authority. People lost their confidence on both such offices as well as the government.

The situation became aggravated as the then government by 1972 Constitution abolished the Judicial Service Commission and the Public Service Commission by decorating with toothless State Services Advisory Board, State Services Disciplinary Board, Judicial Services Advisory Board and Judicial Services Disciplinary Board.

Mrs. Bandaranaike’s Government came under heavy criticism for politicization of the Judiciary and the Public Service sectors and her government became rapidly unpopular paving the way for J. R. Jayawardena to have landslide and overwhelming victory with 5/6 in the National State Assembly in 1977.

If the new generation needs to learn the political and social landscape prevailed during that era, the best option is watching the Sinhala movie Mid Ocean (id.rhla ueo) produced by veteran film artiste Gamini Fonseka.

The main reason for the abolition of the office of Public Prosecutor was its loyalty, partiality and loss of independence and integrity which is an essential feature of an officer involved in the administration of justice. There were certain matters lacking in the Attorney General’s Department too, but comparatively lesser.

That is why Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2002 enacted the Removal of Public Officer Act No. 5 of 2002 to  ensure that the Attorney General cannot be removed without passing an impeachment in Parliament.

 In other words, powers for the removal of the Attorney General which was vested in the Executive were removed and   transferred to the Legislature.

  There are significant provisions contained in the 21st Amendment to the Constitution to ensure the independence of the   Attorney General.

 Accordingly, the President is obliged to obtain the approval of the Constitutional Council prior to the appointment of the   Attorney General.

It appears that the present government has taken keen interests to re-introduce the “Office of Public Prosecutor” arguing that it will function independently without having any political influence or interference. It must be noted that, assuming it is created in good faith; what is the difference in between the Attorney General and Public Prosecutor?

Qualifications for both the officers; shall be of the same as of the Attorney General

Appointment of both officers; shall be by the President with prior approval of the Constitutional Council

Disciplinary control of the both officers; As of the disciplinary code applicable to public servants

Removal; Removal of Attorney General is under Removal of Public Officer Act No. 5 of 2002. If Public Prosecutor is appointed invariably, he also has to be given the same assurance in his employment.

Assuming, the appointment of the Public Prosecutor, the only option is for the President is to appoint a qualified jurist with the approval of the Constitutional Council. In that context, the qualification, the procedure for appointment, disciplinary control and the procedure for removal of the Attorney General and the Public Prosecutor will be identical.

 

What is the guarantee that a Public Prosecutor will perform independently without any political influence or motivation?

No doubt that the independence of the administrative justice system in this country has to be independent and impartial. For that, no need of dismantling the well-established system that prevailed for 225 years except a period of 6 years (1973-1978).

We need simply one thing to guarantee the independence of the public prosecution in this country. That is, politicians; however, is your mighty, please refrain from interfering or influencing the Attorney-General, his department.

 

We also must look into the repercussions of the imprudent decisions to be made by the legislation. There was a tug of war that prevailed in between the Attorney General’s Department and the Public Prosecutor during the period where both were function. The latest experience is found in Kenya whereas Similar dual structures were established in 2013 (before the ODPP Act’s consolidation) led to months of jurisdictional disputes between the Attorney-General and Director of Public Prosecutions.

In Pakistan, after the separation of the Public Prosecutor’s Office from the Attorney-General (under the NAB Ordinance, 1999), the post became an instrument for political vendetta. Multiple NAB Chairmen and Prosecutors-General were removed or pressured to file politically motivated cases - eroding public trust in the justice system.

Introducing another prosecutorial body requires makes only a creation of a new bureaucratic structure, budgetary allocations, rules of procedure and complex coordination with the police and judiciary which also will paralyze ongoing prosecutions.

In Nigeria, the 1979 introduction of state-controlled Public Prosecutors under the Federal Attorney-General caused a decade of confusion, with state prosecutors refusing to pursue federal offences and vice versa. It took a constitutional amendment in 1999 to restore coherence.

Once there is a split, coordination between the two entities (AG and PP) will depend on political alignment rather than legal principle which will set a dangerous precedent.

Office of the Ombudsman (OMB)

The experience of the Philippines serves as a cautionary example of how introducing dual prosecutorial structures in the name of independence can in fact dismantle the integrity of the justice system.

Following the creation of the Office of the Ombudsman (OMB) alongside the Department of Justice (DOJ), both institutions were vested with overlapping authority to investigate and prosecute corruption, abuse of power, and criminal offenses involving public officials. This overlap bred continual jurisdictional conflicts, procedural confusion, and duplication of cases, leading to delays and the frequent dismissal of prosecutions on technical grounds.

The collapse of major cases such as the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo “ZTE” telecommunications scandal (2007–2016) illustrated how two competing prosecutorial bodies fragmented evidence, contradicted each other’s findings, and ultimately failed to secure convictions.  Department of Justice (DOJ)

Similarly, during the “Pork Barrel” embezzlement investigations (2013–2018), political rivalry between the Ombudsman and the DOJ led to accusations of selective justice and the dismissal of several corruption cases. Under President Duterte’s “War on Drugs”, the conflict deepened, the DOJ pursued low-level offenders while the Ombudsman cleared senior officials, producing inconsistent and politically tainted outcomes that eroded public trust and drew international criticism, including from the International Criminal Court.

The duplication of roles, political appointments, and absence of clear accountability turned the supposed independence of the Ombudsman into a façade. Instead of strengthening checks and balances, the divided structure weakened prosecutorial coherence, fostered inefficiency, and entrenched politicization.

The Philippine model proves decisively that independence without unity and depoliticization is a dangerous illusion and a warning directly applicable to Sri Lanka, where creating a separate Public Prosecutor’s Office alongside the Attorney-General’s Department would almost certainly repeat these institutional failures.

(Source - DailyMirror)