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Asia’s stability will not be secured by treating one power’s Security Council seat as a precondition of legitimacy, nor by dressing two modern sovereign states in the borrowed costume of “civilisational states.” Not by asking two proud peoples to give up on trust itself.

It will be secured the old-fashioned way — through international law, patient diplomacy, and the accumulation—not the abandonment—of confidence. The century ahead needs the UN Charter applied consistently and neighbours who treat trust as a destination worth walking toward, not a mirage to dismiss before the journey begins. Let me explain where I differ with an otherwise thoughtful essay.

Milinda Moragoda’s recent column in The Print (https://sl1nk.com/voi1qob) deserves genuine praise, and I want to start there. He is right that the boundary dispute is a serious, unresolved matter, not a rhetorical inconvenience. He is right that recent years have deposited a heavy sediment of suspicion on both sides of the Himalaya. He is right that great powers can hold competition and cooperation in the same hand, and that the trick of statesmanship is preventing the former from swallowing the latter. He is right that small, practical projects — in public health, disaster response, climate adaptation, and scholarly exchange — build the connective tissue that grand summits cannot. He is also right to champion multiple tracks of dialogue, from Track 1.5 forums to parliamentary and academic exchange. And he is right that India and China need not, and should not, become the nucleus of a bloc arrayed against Washington or anyone else. A world organised into hostile camps is poorer and more dangerous for everyone, including the two countries at its centre. Above all, he is right that the two countries do not need to resolve every difference before they can cooperate on anything.

But four moves in Moragoda’s argument deserve revisiting. First, he treats India’s ambition for a permanent Security Council seat as something close to a litmus test of whether multilateralism is working. China’s actual position, repeated by its ambassadors at the UN, is that reform must prioritise the representation of developing countries, above all Africa, based on broad consensus rather than the self-nomination of any single aspirant, a principle China restated as recently as November 2025. This is not obstruction for its own sake; it reflects a judgement, shared across much of the emerging economies, that enlarging the Council only for a handful of already-powerful aspirants would entrench inequity rather than cure it. Beijing does not make India’s Council ambitions a hinge of bilateral cooperation, and an essay that quietly does so imports a premise China does not share.

Second, the essay leans on the vocabulary of the “civilizational state,” popularised by writers like Martin Jacques and later theorists of civilisational geopolitics. It is seductive, but it is not how Chinese diplomacy frames the relationship. China’s own foreign ministry describes India as a “partner rather than rival” and grounds the relationship in the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence — a doctrine born, fittingly, from Zhou Enlai and Nehru’s 1954 talks, and built explicitly on sovereignty, non-interference, and legal equality, not on romantic narratives of two rival civilizations circling one another. Substituting civilisational grandeur for legal sovereignty risks softening the very treaty-based, boundary-based realism that any durable settlement requires.

Third, and most striking, the essay asks the two countries to “resist” and even abandon the “expectation of trust” as the organising goal. Chinese diplomacy has said the opposite, repeatedly and recently. Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s own language after the 2024 Kazan meeting between Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi calls for consistently increasing political mutual trust. In August 2025, Wang in New Delhi insisted that “mutual trust and mutual support should define the relationship between two major emerging countries.” A relationship that merely manages permanent low trust through transactional projects is a lesser ambition than the one Beijing has actually set for itself.

Fourth, the essay’s history is too tidy. Ancient Chinese-Indian exchange was real and precious, but it was not friction-free, and China’s own scholarship on the sinicisation of Buddhism tells a more interesting story than pure harmony. Indian Buddhism took root in China only by fusing with Huang-Lao Daoist thought, being translated into Taoist vocabulary, and becoming, over centuries, something distinctly Chinese rather than an imported orthodoxy. That is a story of creative adaptation and, at times, contest — not a seamless idyll.

None of this diminishes Moragoda’s larger and correct instinct that pragmatic, incremental cooperation should proceed even amid disagreement — a position echoed, from the Indian strategic-affairs side, by Ambassador Sujan Chinoy’s argument that cooperation can advance even under continued rivalry. But there is a difference worth naming. Ambassador Chinoy treats rivalry and cooperation as parallel tracks that need never meet; Beijing’s stated goal is to convert cooperation into trust, not to manage rivalry indefinitely as a stable equilibrium. They are stages in one unfinished process, not sealed compartments.

That is the deeper lesson of 75 years of China-India diplomacy since the Panchsheel Agreement. The goal is not to normalize distrust as the price of doing business, but to reduce it, treaty by treaty and project by project, until sovereignty and law — not suspicion, and not borrowed civilisational metaphors — are what the two great Asian nations have most durably in common. That is a harder, slower path than either romantic convergence or resigned rivalry. It is also the only one that has ever actually worked.

By Huang Yunsong,

(HUANG Yunsong, Professor & Associate Dean, Sichuan University China Center for South Asian Studies, School of International Studies. Views are personal. Courtesy The Print) ‎<This message was edited>

The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) today moved the Supreme Court to challenge the proposed 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, arguing that the legislation threatens democratic principles and fundamental rights.

The petition, filed under case number SC/SD/31/2026, was lodged shortly after the Bill was formally presented to Parliament.

In its application, the SJB is seeking a determination on the constitutionality of the proposed amendment and its broader legal implications.

The main opposition party raised serious concerns over the Bill's provisions, noting that the amendment could undermine Sri Lanka's democratic framework, erode the separation of powers, and compromise fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution.

The Matara Magistrate’s Court has ordered the forfeiture of bail money deposited on behalf of former Minister Basil Rajapaksa after he failed to appear in court in connection with a case involving the alleged purchase of property with illicit funds.

The order was issued yesterday (18) by Matara Chief Magistrate Chathura Dissanayake.

Rajapaksa is the third accused in the case, which was initially filed by the Police Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID). The case concerns an alleged purchase of a 1.5-acre property located along Brownhill, Eliyakanda Road in Matara.

During the proceedings, the court was informed that Rajapaksa had repeatedly failed to attend hearings and had not produced a medical report considered acceptable by the court to explain his absence.

The magistrate subsequently ordered fines to be imposed on the three individuals who had provided surety for Rajapaksa’s bail. The court further directed that the sureties could face imprisonment if the fines were not paid.

An arrest warrant previously issued against Rajapaksa has also been extended.

The matter is scheduled to return before the Matara Magistrate’s Court on October 27.

The first and second accused appeared before court on Tuesday, while Rajapaksa was again absent. FCID officers appeared for the prosecution, with a defence team headed by President’s Counsel Anil de Silva representing the accused.

Relatives of victims have gathered in Sri Lanka's Eastern Province to mark the 41st anniversary of a massacre of unarmed Tamil civilians allegedly carried out by the military.

Local journalists reported that family members paid tribute on Sunday using flowers, lamps, and incense near the main road in Varothayanagar, Trincomalee.

The site is close to where the victims' homes once stood before the killings occurred more than four decades ago.

The memorial service paid tribute to all residents killed in the vicinity during that period, including 10 people slain on 17 August 1985.

Drive by shooting spree

According to surviving relatives, a group of Sri Lankan soldiers arrived in a Defender vehicle from the Kanniya area on August 17, 1985.

They opened fire continuously along the road as they moved through the village.

Local residents Wellayan Thiruchelvam and his father-in-law Kandan Manikkam were shot dead in the initial attack.

The same military unit then drove towards Kandaiya Road, where another resident, Seeniyan Manikkam, was killed in a second round of shooting.

Terrified by the sudden gun violence, local villagers fled their homes to seek shelter in neighboring properties.

Deadly bomb attack

A bomb targeted one of the houses where fleeing residents had gathered for safety later that same day.

The blast killed five members of a single family, Gunarasa Vaseekala, Gunarasa Sangar, Gunarasa Genga, Thesingan Imban, and Thesingan Jayanthi.

Two other residents, Rasarathnam Rabendra Rasa and Kadirgamapillai Nageswari, were also killed in the explosion.

Surviving villagers managed to transport the dead and wounded to Trincomalee Hospital by evening.

Relatives said that an eight-year-old girl admitted for medical treatment vanished from the hospital wards, with her whereabouts remaining unknown to this day.

(lankaleader.lk)

President Donald Trump's approval rating fell to the lowest level of his presidency, ‌with an overwhelming majority of Americans concerned the U.S. war with Iran will last a long time, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll that concluded on Monday.

Just 33% of respondents in the four-day survey said they approved of Trump's performance in the White House, while 64% disapproved. Trump's approval rating, down from 35% in a poll that closed earlier this month and ​lower than at any point in his current term, has now tied the lowest level of his prior term reached in December 2017.

After ​returning to the White House in 2025 with just under half the country approving of his presidency, Trump's popularity ⁠this year took a hit after he ordered strikes on Iran alongside U.S. ally Israel. 

The ensuing conflict paralyzed a fifth of the global oil trade, ​triggering a surge in the price of gasoline that is weighing on U.S. households - and on Trump's Republican allies defending congressional majorities in November midterm elections.

Trump, who ​campaigned on promises to keep inflation in check and avoid long-lasting wars, initially pledged the conflict with Iran would take a few weeks. But Iran has proved resilient and has kept the oil trade through the Strait of Hormuz largely bottled up even as the conflict has cooled.

Some 80% of Americans - including 87% of Democrats and 71% of Republicans - ​think U.S. involvement in Iran "will go on for an extended period of time," the Reuters/Ipsos poll found. Just 16% said the conflict would likely end ​in a few weeks.

TRUMP JUSTIFIES HIGH GAS PRICES

Trump told a political rally in Garden City, New York, on Friday that paying "a tiny little bit more for your gasoline" is worth ‌the cost ⁠of ensuring "a very evil country" could not have a nuclear weapon, one of his stated rationales for the war.

Throughout the conflict, the president has alternated between threats of escalation and assertions that a peace deal is imminent. Only one in five Americans - and just half of Republicans - think the war has been worth it, the latest Reuters/Ipsos poll found.

Concerns about the war and gasoline prices have Republicans nervous about their hopes of defending their slim majority in the ​U.S. House of Representatives in the ​November 3 elections, and Democrats increasingly ⁠see the U.S. Senate also within their grasp.

Reuters/Ipsos polling this month has shown voters prefer Democrats over Republicans as better stewards of the economy for the first time in about a decade. The latest poll showed 38% of voters think ​Democrats will handle the economy better, compared to 35% who prefer the Republican approach. Democrats are also seen ​as better equipped to ⁠manage the cost of living.

The Republican approach to immigration has remained more popular than that of Democrats throughout Trump's term, with a sharp fall in border crossings and sustained nationwide crackdown ordered by Trump. But Republicans are losing ground amid deadly confrontations and a surge in detainees, including children.

Some 40% of registered voters said Republicans ⁠have the better ​approach on immigration policy, compared to 38% who pick Democrats, according to the latest Reuters/Ipsos ​poll. That 2 percentage point spread is the lowest of Trump's term. Republicans led by 26 points in January 2025.

The Reuters/Ipsos poll, which was conducted online, gathered responses from 1,166 U.S. adults ​nationwide and had a margin of error of 3 percentage points in either direction.

Source: Reuters 

Sri Lanka’s dengue situation continues to place pressure on public health authorities, with the number of reported cases reaching 92,854 and dengue-related deaths rising to 69 in 2026.

Data released by the National Dengue Control Unit (NDCU) shows that the disease has maintained a significant presence throughout the year, with the latest figures putting the case fatality rate at 0.07%.

The spread has varied considerably from month to month. July emerged as the worst-affected month so far, recording 29,964 cases. June followed with 21,533 cases, while 7,516 cases were reported during August.

Earlier in the year, the country recorded 7,866 cases in January, followed by 5,721 in February, 6,013 in March, 5,651 in April and 8,590 in May.

The distribution of cases also remains concentrated in several districts.

Gampaha has recorded the highest number, with 19,778 cases, representing 21.30% of the national total. Colombo accounts for 18,433 cases, or 19.85%, while Kandy has reported 6,695 cases, equivalent to 7.21%.

Against this backdrop, the NDCU has identified 96 high-risk Medical Officer of Health (MOH) areas nationwide.

Authorities continue to focus on controlling the spread of the mosquito-borne disease, with the latest figures underscoring the continued need for dengue prevention and control measures across affected communities.

Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa met with Tamil and Muslim parliamentarians representing opposition parties at his parliamentary office today.

Discussions focused extensively on pressing challenges faced by communities across the Northern and Eastern provinces.

Lawmakers briefed the Opposition Leader on daily social, economic, and developmental difficulties affecting local residents, while also highlighting urgent regional grievances.

The meeting prioritized plans to raise these provincial concerns more forcefully on the floor of Parliament and secure direct legislative interventions.

The delegation included MPs M. L. A. M. Hizbullah, M.S.A. Vaseeth, M.T.M. Thaheer, Thurairasa Ravikaran, Imran Maharoof, M.S. U. Lebbe, Rauff Hakeem, Dr. Ramanathan Archchuna, Nizam Kariyapper, Kader Masthan, A. Adaikalanathan, Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, and Mano Ganesan.

Former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella was arrested by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) today (18).

Rambukwella arrived at the Bribery Commission this morning to provide a statement as part of an ongoing investigation.

Following the statement-recording process, CIABOC officials arrested the former minister.

The arrest was made in connection with the ongoing investigation being conducted by the Bribery Commission.

Further details regarding the circumstances surrounding the arrest have not been disclosed.