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• Two cops including SI arrested over drug trafficking links (Reported – 18 April, 2024)

• Three Police Officers attached to Galenbidunuwewa Police Station convicted for all charges by Hon. High Court Judge Mr.Sampath Wijerathne for soliciting a bribe of Rs.20,000/- and accepting of a bribe of Rs.10,000/- (from CIABOC website)

• A PNB officer accused over drug trafficking arrested (Ministry of Defence /08 July 2020)

• IP Wasantha Kumara also attached to the PNB, wanted for involving in the alleged drug racket surrendered to the Kadawatha Police (Ministry of Defence /08 July 2020)

• Aluthkade shooting: Two cops arrested over the murder (Reported – 23 Feb.2025)

• IGP Priyantha Weerasuriya has lodged a complaint with the NPC and the CID against a Senior DIG on allegations of providing false information about the IGP and other senior officers to social media and sharing confidential internal documents with external parties. (Reported – 29 October, 2025)

"It is necessary to reform and modernise the State sector for efficient and quality service delivery. We showed our commitment for such in our first budget itself. State sector employee salaries have been increased in 03 phases by now" (translated from Sinhala speech) said President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to parliament on November 07 (2025) as the Minister of Finance, detailing his budget proposals for year 2026.

With more details on State sector salaries and pensions under budget proposal 33.1, he promised to establish a "Salaries and Pensions Commission" and explained, "It is our responsibility to manage the salaries and pensions policy in a sustainable manner. Considering salary anomalies occurred over the years and challenges in managing public finance, a Salaries and Pensions Commission will be established to provide solutions to problems related to salaries and pensions of public employees" (translated from Sinhala speech).

On two previous occasions, Minister of Public Security, Ananda Wijepala, spoke about a committee to design a separate salary framework for the police department. On 28 February 2025 he told parliament, "a separate salary structure for the Police Department will be established in next year’s (2026) budget". Speaking about salaries of police constables the Minister said, their monthly salary of Rs.29,540 would be increased to Rs.44,293 this year (2025) and in the budget for 2026 that would be further increased to Rs.46,921 with all related allowances also increased accordingly.

For the second time on 02 November, before the budget was presented in parliament, the Sunday Times quoted Minister Wijepala to the effect, police department will have their salaries increased by the 2026 Budget. In an article captioned "Coppers to get cash to buy boots and uniforms, no more problematic tenders" the Minister was quoted as saying, a committee has been appointed to design a separate salary framework for the police department, "similar to those of other armed forces" and had said, "…salary increases in the police department are implemented in line with general government salary revisions", implying police should not be treated as other public officers. For the perception now is the police are also part of "national security". A novel "Milcop" force, a hybrid of the military and the police.

While there was no mention by the President about salary increases for the Police nor about a committee on salaries for the police in his budget for 2026, what nevertheless remains problematic is the perception of Minister for Public Security assuming the police is an "armed force". This in fact is how most politicians and the public understand the "police force". Let me stress this first. Police Department is not an armed force and should not be. It is a "civil department".

Police department official website says, "In the year 1659 the Colombo Municipal Council adopted a resolution to appoint paid guards to protect the city by night.... Hence they could be considered as fore-runners of the police in the country." (https://www.police.lk/?page_id=211)

Police functions came to be clearly defined in 1805 when "safety, comfort and convenience of people" were added with prevention and detection of crime and maintenance of law and order.

Through many such changes and reforms, on the 1st of June 1947 Sir Richard Aluvihare, a career Civil Servant was appointed Inspector General of Police (IGP) before granting independence to Ceylon in February 1948. Police Department was listed with the Home Ministry, then under Minister Oliver Goonatilleke, who resigned in July 1948 and was replaced by Edwin Wijeyeratne as Minister.

Routine duties of the police then were guiding city traffic, arresting thieves, investigating robberies, raiding moonshine and illicit horse-betting centres apart from accepting complaints at the police station by citizens who had issues they wanted to be investigated. Police were called at times to control protests with a cane shield and a wooden baton. I have heard police used tear-gas against uncontrollable protesters and in very rare occasions, given orders to "shoot below the knee" when protests became aggressive and uncontrollable.

In those decades of 50's and 60's, although the Public Securities Ordinance No. 25 of 1947 was available to enforce emergency powers, it was used only to stall work stoppage in the public sector, declaring services like health, electricity, food supply as "essential services". In 1958, Public Securities Ordinance was used for the first time to deploy the military to curb anti-Tamil mob violence. Emergency regulations then remained only for about a month.

It has to be stressed too, reason for extremely low numbers in crimes in society during the first 30 years after independence was not merely police efficiency. The economic model and the ideology that nurtured that economy had much to do with ethics and morals the society lived with. Thus during the first 30 year period, crimes like rape of women, kidnapping and abductions, contract killing, mass scale drug peddling, were almost totally absent. Extremely rare news reports that shocked and numbed society all through those years were murders of Adeleine Vitharana, Ranjanie cab owner's wife, Ambalangoda Dr. Kularatne's wife, rape and murder of JVP activist Premawathie Manamperi by an army officer and the twin-murder of Russel Ingram and Eunice Pieris known as "Murders at the Vicarage".

What changed the civil face and work of the police was the JVP insurrection of April '71. Political illiteracy of the JVP leadership and total absence of "common sense" led to attacks on police stations in Sinhala South to capture political power in a "single night". With due endorsement from the Opposition, the JVP insurgency provided enough excuses for the Bandaranayake government to brutally crush the youth rebellion. And it also gave the Bandaranayake government the right to use "Emergency Regulations" in deploying the military.

The '71 April insurrection had many "firsts". It was the first time the "ceremonial outfit" the military was perceived to be till then, was used for "counter terrorism". It was the first time the police was provided powers under "emergency regulations" to arrest, detain and hold a "suspect" in custody. It was also the first time, the parliament allowed continuous extensions of emergency powers for years. Most frightening of all "firsts" was the decision the government took in strengthening the police and the army with new and more weapons and "training on counter-terrorism", that labels its own citizens as "enemies" of the State.

The JVP insurgency also left a long 09 year period of emergency rule from 1971 to late 1980. This 09 year emergency was what changed the working psyche of the police in maintaining law and order. It gave them undue powers far beyond that of policing a civil society. A legal right to arrest and detain anyone purely on "suspicion" and the provision for long periods of detention made the police a powerful factor in social life. The right to exercise such powers creates a mindset different to that of maintaining "law and order" in a civil society, under ordinary civil law. Another deformation was that of police officers used to working with emergency regulations, becoming mentors of junior police personnel recruited and trained under them. They were deployed on duty with emergency regulations.

When in 1979, President Jayawardene enforced the Prevention of Terrorism Act (Temporary) it provided all powers they were used to under emergency regulations and more. Three years later in 1982 it was made permanent and the initial explanation it was specifically to meet the threat of Tamil "terrorism" in North-East, came to be ignored. Yet the longest period in Sri Lankan history under emergency rule was also with the PTA in force from 1983 to August 2011, two years after the war was declared over. All these decades, police department was moved around and was under the Ministry of Defence, and then under the newly created Ministry of Internal Affairs. Whatever the ministry, the police came to be treated as an auxiliary force of the military.

Whatever the ministry the police department is left under, we are now with a police department that does not know what ordinary civil law is, and is mentally attuned to work and behave as a militarised police force. They become more troublesome and problematic when they become part of a heavily corrupt and politicised State.

 

To bring this to a close, let me say, we have now come to a stage where State Reforms are far heavier a priority than the economy and that restructuring and redefining the responsibilities of the police department as a civil department is right at the top of State reforms.

Kusal Perera

2025 November 17

The ambitious construction of the Akuregoda Defence Headquarters Complex, intended to serve as the centralized hub for Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces and Ministry of Defence, has become emblematic of complacency, mismanagement and unquantified losses running into hundreds of millions.

Origins and Political Context

The roots of the project trace back to decisions made while Gotabaya Rajapaksa served as Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development and continued into his presidency, revealing a troubling blend of strategic overreach and governance failure.

Initially envisioned as a means to free prime land in Colombo and consolidate defence administration, the headquarters complex was launched in 2011. 

Early Implementation and Emerging Irregularities

Under the Rajapaksa era, it gained momentum but also became entwined with controversy. A Cabinet-appointed investigation found that consultancy fees and firm selections were improperly handled, with large payments allegedly made without full oversight.

Local reports said a payment of Rs 600 million had been made in excess to a consultancy firm in 2016 during the project’s early phase.

Procurement and Contract Failures

Fast-forward to recent audit findings: For the granite-tiling contracts alone—awarded despite guideline breaches three procurement tasks worth Rs 927.66 million were all given to a single contractor, sidestepping required pre-qualification of bidders. 

Four extensions increased the contract period threefold and still the work remained unfinished as of 31 December 2023. On top of this, two suppliers submitted 19 claims for extension-of-time (EOT) amounting to Rs 837.5 million and US $3.68 million, placing a significant contingent liability on the state.

These anomalies matter not just as isolated procurement failures but because they point to deeper structural issues: lack of meaningful oversight, scope creep, and poor alignment with strategic needs. The state’s decision to concentrate all branches of the military into a closely-packed complex despite expert warnings of security vulnerability reflected inadequate planning at the outset.

Fiscal Implications and Structural Weaknesses

The economic and financial implications are stark. Unfinished contracts lock up capital while leaving the necessity of ongoing operational costs or alternative arrangements. Contracts ballooning in cost directly drain public resources with little visible return yet.

The investment in the project has diverted funds that could have been deployed elsewhere in an economy already under stress and seeking foreign investment. Moreover, the reputational damage fuels investor wariness: if high-profile defence infrastructure can flounder, what message does this send about governance standards and project execution to the private sector?

Policy Lessons and the Way Forward

Crucially, this project has become a micro-cosm of the Sri Lankan state’s fiscal fragility: fixed assets built on Promised Land sales (such as in the early 2010s) and off-balance-sheet liabilities now shifting into public domain. The construction of the new military HQ was linked to land sales of the old Army headquarters and the idea was to use those proceeds rather than traditional budget allocations.

But when oversight faltered, cost escalated and benefits lagged, the outcome has been fiscal stress rather than strategic advantage.

For Sri Lanka, the way forward must include a rigorous forensic audit of the defence HQ project, revision or cancellation of persistently lagging contracts, and a recalibration of the way large state-infrastructure projects especially in strategic sectors are conceived, procured and implemented. Without such corrective action, the heavy price paid in opportunity cost, public funds and investor confidence may yet deepen the country’s economic vulnerability.

A Leader, a Bridge-Builder, and a True Friend

It is with profound sorrow that we mark the passing of our dear friend, Mr. Kathir Ravichandra (Ravi), who left us on the morning of November 11 in Sydney, Australia, after a long battle with illness. His departure leaves a deep void in the hearts of all who knew him, a void that can only be filled by the memory of his grace, intellect, and unwavering commitment to his community.

Ravi and I shared a deep understanding of the struggles faced by the Tamil-speaking people of Sri Lanka since independence. I vividly recall the tragic events of July 1983: the violence, the fear, the injustice of the anti-Tamil pogrom. Ravi’s family, like so many others, bore immense suffering simply because of their ethnicity.

He migrated to Australia in 1982, carrying with him both the pain of loss and the determination to rebuild a life defined not by grievance, but by purpose. When I later moved to Canberra, Ravi was already a respected senior engineer with the ACT Government, later serving in the Federal Public Service. Beyond his professional accomplishments, he was an inspiring presence within the Tamil diaspora, one of the founding figures behind the Canberra Tamil Association, a platform that gave voice to Tamil Australians.

“He turned pain into purpose, and purpose into service.”

We had our differences of opinion, mine rooted in class-based politics, his in identity, but those differences never diminished our friendship. On the contrary, they enriched it. Ravi’s conservative upbringing and my socialist views often led to spirited debates, yet our mutual respect remained unshaken. We were, above all, bound by a shared hope for justice and peace in Sri Lanka.

Tensions had arisen within the Australia Sri Lanka Association (ASLA), as Tamil members sought recognition of the July 1983 atrocities, a request that was regrettably refused. Many Tamils, feeling unheard, left to form their own association, the Canberra Tamil Association (CTA). When peace talks between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), collapsed in April 1995, the reverberations were felt even in Australia.

It was during this time that conversations began, first at Mr. Mylvaganam Balasubramaniam’s home, then at Dr. Willie Senanayake’s, where about twenty Sinhala and Tamil expatriates gathered to imagine something new: how the diaspora community could assist formulating reconciliation measures by building a bridge across the ethnic divide. It was the seed of what became the Friends for Peace in Sri Lanka (FPSL), established later that year in Canberra.

The Forum’s mission was simple yet bold: to promote a just and lasting peace in Sri Lanka, acknowledging the legitimate aspirations of Tamil-speaking people while protecting the rights and security of all. We grounded our work in the principles of the United Nations Charter and international covenants on civil, political, and cultural rights.

Ravi joined us during those early years of the FPSL, when hopes were fragile and mistrust was rife. Many in the Tamil community viewed our cross-ethnic work with suspicion; yet Ravi persisted. Though he was closely connected to the LTTE-aligned Tamil lobby, he valued dialogue over dogma. He listened, questioned, and, more importantly, evolved.

His integrity and courage often placed him in difficult positions. On more than one occasion, Ravi’s cooperation with government officials or Sinhala colleagues drew criticism from hardliners. But he never allowed ideology to obscure humanity. For him, reconciliation was not a sign of weakness but an act of strength.

“He spoke with conviction, but also with compassion — and that made people listen.”

Together, we organised peace vigils, forums, and public meetings. One memorable event was the Peace Vigil of November 1995, attended by over a hundred Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim, Burgher, and Australian participants — including diplomats and clergy. Ravi played a leading role in making it a success. Though some nationalists later accused us of celebrating the LTTE leader’s birthday (a coincidence none of us knew of at the time), Ravi handled the fallout with dignity and restraint.

In 1996, Ravi invited me to the “Peace with Justice” Conference in Canberra, co-organised by the Australasian Federation of Tamil Associations (AFTA) and the Australian Human Rights Foundation. Justice Marcus Einfeld was among the attendees. Ravi ensured that even the Sri Lankan High Commission received the conference papers, a small but significant gesture towards transparency and dialogue.

He was later elected Chairperson of AFTA, a role he fulfilled with humility and foresight. His belief in a political solution within a united Sri Lanka, one that respected Tamil identity and autonomy, set him apart. He saw federalism and devolution not as threats, but as pathways to coexistence.

I recall an incident in 1998 when Sri Lanka’s Minister of Housing and Construction, Mr. Indika Gunawardena, visited Canberra. Ravi, then a senior engineer, was scheduled to brief the Minister on ACT’s water and sewerage systems. The meeting was abruptly cancelled under political pressure from Colombo, simply because of Ravi’s Tamil identity.

Despite this humiliation, Ravi remained gracious. Later, when the Minister addressed a community meeting organised by FPSL and against the wishes of nationalist groups, Ravi attended respectfully. His conduct that day epitomised the quiet dignity with which he navigated life’s many contradictions.

Similarly, when Mr. Lakshman Kiriella and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar visited Australia, Ravi continued to engage, even as the High Commission, under pressure from Sinhala extremists, sought to exclude him. He never retaliated in anger; instead, he held fast to dialogue and decency.

When Ravi first joined our efforts, he was an ardent supporter of Tamil Eelam. But through years of discussion and reflection, he came to see hope in a united Sri Lanka with devolved powers. This was not a renunciation of his Tamil identity — rather, it was an expansion of it. He believed that peace could only come when justice was shared and all communities were heard.

I recall his meeting with Mr. Anton Balasingham in London, where he tried to advocate this vision. He returned disillusioned — saddened that the LTTE leadership remained entrenched in the dream of separation. Yet even then, Ravi did not succumb to bitterness. He chose to work for unity, however distant it seemed.

Until I left Canberra in 2004, Ravi and I worked side by side — bound by friendship, purpose, and an unyielding hope for peace. When he later moved to Sydney, our contact became occasional but warm.

Two weeks before his passing, we spoke. Though gravely ill, Ravi’s voice carried the same optimism I had always known. He expressed his hope that the National People's Power (NPP) government would finally address the decades of Tamil suffering, paving the way for reconciliation and renewal. It was his final message of faith — in humanity, and in the possibility of a better Sri Lanka.

“Even in his final days, Ravi dreamed not of himself, but of peace for his people.”

Those of us who worked with him and many who only knew him by reputation will remember Ravi for his courage, diplomacy, and moral clarity. In times of deep division, he reached across boundaries that others dared not cross. He spoke softly but carried conviction. He believed that decency was the first step toward peace.

To his beloved wife Ranji, son Gajan, daughter Aalini, and all members of his family, we extend our heartfelt condolences at this time of bereavement.

Farewell, our dear friend. Your life was a bridge between peoples, between worlds, between what was and what might yet be.

You will be deeply missed and fondly remembered.

Lionel and Chitra Bopage, on behalf of the members of the Friends for Peace in Sri Lanka (FPSL) who associated with Ravi at the time

Dr Lionel Bopage

Melbourne, Australia – 13 November 2025

The National Heritage Division of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs has initiated the process of identifying and listing Sri Lanka’s national heritage sites, along with drafting new legislation to protect them.

An expert committee has been appointed to oversee the initiative, according to Additional Secretary of the Division, Ms. Sujeewa Palliyaguruge. 

She noted that while the country’s national heritage has been previously gazetted under the Archaeology Act, no specific criteria had been established for identifying or categorising such heritage.

The newly appointed committee has decided to classify national heritage into tangible and intangible categories and to develop a distinct criteria for each.

As Sri Lanka has not yet officially compiled a list of its national heritage sites, the Ministry’s current focus is on identifying and naming such sites across the country. In addition, a national heritage policy has been drafted and is expected to be submitted to the Cabinet for approval soon.

Ms. Palliyaguruge further stated that UNESCO has extended financial support for the project and that the Division is also reviewing the existing Archaeology Act with plans for revisions.

In 2022, then Minister of Cultural Affairs Vidura Wickramanayake obtained Cabinet approval to begin preparing a national heritage list, marking the first step toward the current initiative.

(source - Dailymirror)

Three years ago, Sri Lanka was on its knees. Queues for fuel snaked for kilometres, electricity cuts plunged homes into darkness, and the shelves of pharmacies and supermarkets lay bare. It was not only an economic collapse — it was a collapse of confidence, governance, and faith. People felt abandoned by the very system meant to protect them.

As 2025 draws to a close, the picture looks very different. The economy, once in free fall, is slowly finding its balance. Inflation has cooled, the rupee has stabilised, and foreign reserves are gradually building up again. Tourism has revived, debt restructuring is taking shape, and international partners are back at the table. On the surface, the storm has passed.

But scratch beneath that surface and the question remains. Has recovery really reached the people?

The truth is that this revival did not come from political brilliance or quick fixes. It was built on the resilience and sacrifices of ordinary Sri Lankans who bore the pain of austerity, higher taxes, and shrinking incomes. It was the patience of a public that endured hardship with remarkable calm, even when their confidence in leadership was shattered.

The IMF programme has undeniably helped stabilise the economy. The agreement forced long-overdue reforms — tightening government spending, increasing tax collection, and bringing some transparency to public finances. These were bitter measures, but they restored a degree of trust among lenders and investors. Without that partnership, Sri Lanka would have faced isolation and deeper chaos.

Yet, stability is not the same as prosperity. For millions of citizens, daily life remains an uphill climb. Prices have eased slightly, but essentials are still expensive. Electricity tariffs, transport costs, and food bills continue to stretch household budgets. Many middle-income families have slipped quietly into poverty, and too many parents are still forced to choose between paying school fees and buying groceries.

So while the government proudly quotes GDP figures and IMF reviews, the average citizen is still asking a far simpler question. “When will we feel it?”

Debt restructuring was a milestone achievement. Through tough negotiations, Sri Lanka has managed to secure more favourable repayment terms from key partners such as Japan, China, and India. This has eased short-term pressure and given the country a chance to plan ahead. But it also came with strings attached — tight fiscal rules and limited public spending.

Fiscal discipline is vital, yes — but if it becomes an obsession, it risks turning recovery into a numbers game. The goal of reform must not be to please creditors; it must be to rebuild confidence at home. People need to see that their sacrifices are leading somewhere meaningful. Every rupee collected in taxes must be spent transparently and wisely.

There are, thankfully, bright spots. Tourism is slowly coming back, with close to two million arrivals expected by year end. That revival has breathed life into small businesses, hotels, and communities that rely on visitors. But Sri Lanka cannot live on tourism alone. A strong recovery must come from a more diverse and modern economy — one that values technology, innovation, renewable energy, and agriculture just as much as beaches and tea.

The other pressing challenge is the human one. The ongoing brain drain is bleeding the country of its best talent. Young professionals continue to leave in search of stability and opportunity abroad. Reversing that trend will take more than patriotic appeals. It will require real confidence in governance — a belief that hard work is rewarded, that corruption is punished, and that opportunity is equal.

The government in 2025 stands at a crossroads. It can celebrate these short-term wins as political victories — or it can treat them as the starting point for deep, structural reform. This means fixing loss-making state enterprises, strengthening public institutions, and ensuring that social safety nets reach those most in need.

It also means confronting corruption — the cancer that has eaten into every corner of the state. Without accountability, even the most promising recovery will collapse under its own hypocrisy. The people have sacrificed too much to see their efforts wasted by greed or mismanagement.

Ultimately, the measure of Sri Lanka’s recovery should not be found in IMF reports or foreign investment charts. It should be seen in the everyday lives of its people — in the family that can finally afford three meals a day, in the graduate who decides to stay instead of migrating, and in the farmer who earns enough to live with dignity.

Sri Lanka has come a long way from the despair of 2022. But the journey is far from over. Recovery cannot be declared complete until it touches every home, every province, and every citizen.

If those in power forget that, this recovery — like so many before it — will fade into yet another mirage on the horizon.

(Source - Dailymirror)

“As researchers worldwide spark an academic debate, reports suggest that when bees are exposed to the intense electromagnetic radiation emitted from 5G cellular towers, they abandon their hives. A technology designed to connect the world may be silently disturbing one of nature’s most vital pollinators.”

Bees are essential to life on Earth. They are responsible for pollinating more than one-third of the world’s food crops. However, scientists have observed unusual behavior near active 5G towers. Worker bees appear to lose their sense of direction, failing to return to their hives, leading to the collapse of entire colonies. This strange reaction raises serious questions about how modern wireless technology might be affecting the delicate biology of insects.

Preliminary studies indicate that these electromagnetic fields could interfere with the bees’ navigation systems. Bees rely on the Earth’s magnetic signals and subtle vibrations to find their way. When these signals are disrupted, they may become disoriented, wander aimlessly, and eventually fail to return home. While more research is urgently needed, this pattern has become too significant to ignore.

This discovery reminds us that technological progress often carries hidden costs. While 5G enables faster communication, it may also be altering ecosystems in ways we do not yet fully understand. Protecting bees means safeguarding our food supply, biodiversity, and nature’s fragile balance. As science continues to search for answers, one truth remains: without bees, life as we know it cannot thrive. Perhaps it is time to pause and listen to the silence of the hives—and to reconsider the invisible waves filling our skies.

• Over $ 175 m spent on edible oil imports between 2021 and 2025 when ban on oil palm cultivation first commenced in April 2021
• Total sectoral investment in oil palm cultivation and processing estimated to exceed Rs. 23 b
• Recognising immense potential, Govt. at the time promised to extend tax concessions for establishment of new oil palm cultivation in 2009 and even formally endorsed expansion up to 20,000 hectares by 2016
• Plantation companies say Sri Lanka can revive palm oil sector by lifting the ban and adopting sustainability standards, integrating smallholder farmers, reforming import taxation and investing in R&D and traceability systems
• India has already moved decisively in this direction, expanding palm oil cultivation by 45% in five years with ambitious plans to reach 1.7m hectares by 2030

The Planters’ Association of Ceylon (PA) is urging the Government to act swiftly to lift the ban on oil palm cultivation, warning that with each passing day, the losses to the nation keep growing.

The PA noted that an estimated amount of over $ 175 million has been spent on edible oil imports between 2021 and 2025 when the ban on oil palm cultivation first commenced in April 2021.

It also noted that Sri Lanka continues to spend exorbitant sums on foreign exchange for edible oil imports that could have been substantially offset by local production.

Once positioned as a key pillar in the nation’s crop diversification strategy, the abrupt policy reversal in 2021 has stalled progress toward edible oil self-sufficiency and dealt a setback to Sri Lanka’s broader economic recovery.

Palm oil cultivation was first introduced to Sri Lanka in 1968, but only began to gain traction in the early 2000s when Regional Plantation Companies (RPCs) sought alternatives to loss-making rubber. Recognising the crop’s immense potential, the Government at the time promised to extend tax concessions for the establishment of new oil palm cultivation in 2009 and even formally endorsed expansion up to 20,000 hectares by 2016.

Sri Lanka’s annual edible fat and oil requirement stands at approximately 264,000 metric tons. Yet local production meets barely a quarter of this demand, forcing the country to depend heavily on imports.

The result is a recurring foreign exchange drain estimated at around US $35 million annually, with cumulative losses already surpassing US $175 million since the ban was imposed.

Before 2021, local production of palm oil supplied a significant share of the domestic requirement, providing a cheaper and more efficient alternative to imported edible oils. Now, despite the ban, palm oil and related fats continue to enter the market under special import licenses which means Sri Lanka is paying foreign suppliers for products it could easily produce at home.

The RPCs have long argued that oil palm offered the most sustainable route to strengthen Sri Lanka’s plantation economy, diversify income streams and conserve foreign exchange. Palm oil yields three to eight times more oil per hectare compared to traditional oil crops such as coconut or soybean, using less land and fewer inputs. With the right policies in place, Sri Lanka could have achieved near self-sufficiency in edible oils, saving billions in import expenditure while generating new rural employment as well. Instead, the ban has left the sector in limbo, with crippling investments and triggering a chain reaction across multiple industries that depend on affordable edible fats.

Millions lost to imported saplings left unused

Rubber Research Institute

Before the policy reversal, the Government itself recognised palm oil’s economic promise. In 2009, hybrid seed imports were granted tax concessions and the Rubber Research Institute was tasked with developing local cultivation technology. By 2016, the state had formally endorsed an expansion of up to 20,000 hectares, limited to marginal and degraded lands to avoid any environmental harm. Encouraged by these clear policy signals, leading plantation companies, including Watawala, Namunukula, Elpitiya, Horana and Malwatte Valley, invested billions in nurseries, mills and research facilities. The total sectoral investment in oil palm cultivation and processing is estimated to exceed Rs. 23 billion. However, In April 2021, the Government abruptly prohibited further oil palm cultivation and the import of crude palm oil.

According to the PA, the value of seedlings and young plants that had to be written off exceeded Rs. 550 million. These were saplings imported at considerable cost, specially bred for Sri Lankan soil and climatic conditions and expected to yield for up to 25 years. Today, those imported saplings lie unused, a clear symbol of policy inconsistency and wasted national wealth.

“The losses from these abandoned nurseries go far beyond what the industry has absorbed” noted PA Secretary General Lalith Obeyesekere. “These were imported assets, paid for in foreign currency. The ban means the Government is now paying more each year to import edible oils that could have been produced locally. It is time to act with pragmatism and vision. Every day the ban remains in place, the country loses money, opportunities and credibility,” he added.

A ripple effect across industries and rural economies

The sector contributed an estimated Rs. 2.5 billion into rural households annually. With the ban, these communities have experienced a sharp decline in incomes, while millers, refiners and downstream manufacturers struggle to manage shortages. The bakery and confectionery industry, valued at over Rs. 200 billion, has faced significant price hikes for inputs such as margarine and cooking oil where costs are ultimately passed down to consumers.

Over 5,000 direct jobs and 21,000 dependent livelihoods were tied to the sector, with oil palm workers earning nearly double the wages of their counterparts in tea and rubber. Ironically, environmental concerns are frequently raised to defend the ban, yet global data tells a different story. Palm oil is the world’s most efficient oil crop, producing 40% of the world’s vegetable oil on only 6% of cultivated land. Countries like Malaysia, Indonesia and even India have embraced palm oil, pairing cultivation with strict sustainability standards such as RSPO, MSPO and ISPO certifications, along with zero-waste and smallholder inclusion models. In Sri Lanka, most oil palm expansion took place on old rubber lands that had already reached the end of their productive life, without any deforestation.

Moreover, palm oil’s role in food security and health is often overlooked. Naturally trans-fat-free and rich in antioxidants and vitamin E, it is recognised globally as a healthier alternative to hydrogenated fats. Both the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) have acknowledged that, when cultivated responsibly, palm oil remains the most sustainable and scalable solution to the world’s edible oil needs. Substituting with coconut oil undermines a lucrative export industry that earned LKR 63 billion in 2020.

A sustainable future for Plantation industry

The reinstatement of oil palm cultivation could immediately lower Sri Lanka’s import expenditure, generate local employment and restore profitability to the plantation industry, which has struggled under the weight of policy uncertainty. It could also enable the Government to reposition the plantation sector as a modern, export-driven industry, one capable of supporting smallholders, embracing sustainable standards and attracting new investment.

Sri Lanka can revive its palm oil sector by lifting the ban and adopting sustainability standards, integrating smallholder farmers, reforming import taxation and investing in R&D and traceability systems. India has already moved decisively in this direction, expanding palm oil cultivation by 45% in five years with ambitious plans to reach 1.7 million hectares by 2030.

The PA emphasised that the future of Sri Lanka’s plantation industry lies in adopting forward-looking, evidence-based policies and oil palm represents a viable and sustainable alternative for the sector’s long-term growth.

(Source - ft.lk)

The illustrious Gaekwad royal family of Baroda lives in a breathtaking ancestral palace valued at over ₹24,000 crore — a residence said to be four times larger than Buckingham Palace. Their inherited wealth exceeds ₹20,000 crore, making them one of India’s richest surviving royal dynasties.

This royal household is currently led by Maharaja Samarjitsinh Gaekwad, head of the Gaekwad dynasty which ruled the princely state of Baroda from the early 18th century until Indian independence in 1947. Today, the family lives amidst a rare blend of preserved imperial heritage and contemporary grandeur — where tradition and modernity seamlessly intertwine.

Samarjitsinh ascended the throne in 2012 after the passing of his father, Ranjitsinh Pratapsinh Gaekwad. A former first-class cricketer himself, the Maharaja today serves as President of the Baroda Cricket Association and runs a cricket academy at the historic Motibaug ground. He is married to Radhikaraje Gaekwad, a former journalist and princess of the Wankaner royal family.

Lakshmi Vilas Palace — Larger than Buckingham, Priceless Beyond Imagination

The family resides in Lakshmi Vilas Palace, a 700-acre architectural marvel considered the largest private residence in the world. Built in the 1880s by Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III in Indo-Saracenic revival style, this palace features:

• 170 opulent rooms
• Grand durbar halls and Venetian mosaic floors
• Priceless Ravi Varma paintings
• Antique weaponry and artifacts
• Rare imported stone from Songadh, used in its golden façade

Current estimated value? ₹24,000 crore.

Maharaja Samarjitsinh has even opened parts of the palace for private events under his luxury initiative ‘Lakshmi Vilas Banquets’.

A Legacy of Power, Art & Faith

After settling a long-running inheritance dispute with a family uncle, Samarjitsinh also gained control of:

• 170-acre Lakshmi Vilas Palace estate
• Motibaug cricket ground
• Maharaja Fateh Singh Museum
• Priceless gold, silver and royal jewels
• 17 historic temple estates across Gujarat and Varanasi

A Fleet of Royal Automobiles

Their royal garage features vintage automotive treasures, including:

• 1934 Rolls-Royce
• 1948 Bentley Mark VI
• 1937 Rolls-Royce Phantom III
• And the legendary 1886 Benz Patent Motorwagen — the world’s first car designed by Karl Benz himself.

The Fortune

Taking into account their ancestral wealth, land holdings, temples, heirlooms, museum assets, business ventures, and palace revenues — the Baroda royal family holds a net worth exceeding ₹20,000 crore.

Lakshmi Vilas Palace by Selvin

Written by Reshni Shanya

In what appears to be a brazen assault on one of Sri Lanka’s most precious ecosystems, government-linked politicians and business interests are advancing illegal access through the Knuckles Conservation Forest a UNESCO-listed component of the Central Highlands of Sri Lanka. Once protected as a biodiversity haven, this range now stands threatened by attempts to carpet and open an 8-kilometre jeep safari route deep within its heart.

Environmentalist Sajiva Chamikara alleges that MPs E.M. Basnayake and Jagath Manuwarna, in collaboration with the Medadumbara Divisional Secretary and local tourism entrepreneurs, have secretly secured approvals to construct and pave a road cutting from Tangappuwa through into the core of the Knuckles range. According to Chamikara, the initiative is being driven not for conservation or community benefit but for commercial safari operations and hotel expansions.

E.M. Basnayake and Jagath Manuwarna

The Knuckles range, declared a World Heritage site for its globally significant biodiversity and status as one of Sri Lanka’s most intact montane ecosystems, is home to unique plant and animal life found nowhere else.

Developers are reportedly targeting the forest trail from Tangappuwa to Corbett’s Gap – slicing through the protected zone – under cover of “tourism development”. A meeting held on 22 August 2025, organised by the Land Use Planning Department at the International Buddhist Centre in Rangala, reportedly approved the plan, with participation by Manuwarna, the Tourism Minister’s private secretary, the Divisional Secretary and the Forest Conservation Department.

Chamikara says that subsequent meetings on 30 September and 30 October 2025, convened by the Divisional Development Committee, further progressed the agenda: hotel owners and safari jeep operators, some implicated in illegal land dealings inside the forest, pitched for vehicle access and road infrastructure. Eventually, it is alleged, Basnayake and the Divisional Secretary granted unauthorised permission to open the forest trail for safari jeeps.

If realised, the impact will be catastrophic. The Knuckles region accounts for more than one-third of Sri Lanka’s endemic flora, and half of its endemic vertebrates.

Ecosystem fragmentation, canopy removal, road construction and carpet surfacing in such a sensitive area especially one bridging wet and dry climatic zones threaten to raise local temperatures, disturb micro-habitats and invite invasive species such as Bovitiya to proliferate. Witnesses warn that the chain-reaction will include wildlife mortality from increased vehicle traffic, habitat loss and ecosystem collapse.

Chamikara charges that the scheme is being orchestrated by local power brokers: led by Ven. Dr. Kendagolle Sumanaransi Thera of the Tangappuwa-Rangala Buddhist Centre, the alliance reportedly includes hotel owner Dixon Tennakoon (Knuckles Base Camp), G.K.G. Gunathilaka (Knuckles Ceylon Bungalow) and several other businessmen, all working in league with political hand-tails and officials. The collusion of money, politics and conservation in this case paints a stark picture of governance failure.

The timing is telling. Under the banner of the government’s “Prosperous Country, Beautiful Life” slogan, the Central Provincial Road Development Authority is already advancing the Theldeniya-Corbett’s Gap road, with the section outside the forest already under development. The eight-kilometre segment inside the reserve, however, remains off official maps—until now.

As Sri Lanka balances tourism ambitions with conservation responsibilities, this story raises fundamental questions: Who protects the protected places? And how will the state account for the wholesale dismantling of a UNESCO-designated treasure? With the Knuckles at stake, the time for scrutiny, transparency and accountability has arrived.

Sri Lankan Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya was in China and India in quick succession, the latest demonstration by the National People’s Power government that it is keen on balancing its two most consequential relationships.

Amarasuriya visited China first. In Beijing, she met Chinese President Xi Jinping on October 14 on the margins of the Global Leaders’ Meeting on Women. During the meeting, China pledged to keep Sri Lanka a priority in China’s neighborhood diplomacy and the two sides emphasized continued cooperation in the port economy, modern agriculture, the digital and green economies, tourism, and sharper law enforcement coordination against cross-border crime. Cooperation with China in these issues is vital for Sri Lanka to achieve its goals, i.e., a port economy that turns ships faster, green and digital infrastructure that narrows the import bill, and agriculture and tourism value chains where Chinese technology and financing can raise productivity. It is also not surprising that the two sides discussed law enforcement. Cracking down on cross-border fraud, cybercrime, and illicit finance is vital to an economy trying to rebuild credibility with lenders and voters. These align with the government’s drive to improve governance while enhancing infrastructure, making the country a more attractive destination for investments.

In Delhi, Amarasuriya shared the stage at the NDTV World Summit 2025 with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and ex-British leaders Rishi Sunak and Tony Abbott; visited her alma mater, Hindu College, where the school inaugurated a new research facility named the “Harini Amarasuriya Social & Ethnographic Research Lab” and posed with her friends and fellow academics.

Optics alone are not policy, but in South Asia, familiarity can lower transaction costs, and Amarasuriya’s performance signaled a comfort with India’s public square.

Prime Minister Amarasuriya’s focus in China was practical cooperation, ports, agriculture, digital and green infrastructure, tourism, and law enforcement, things Colombo needs to cut its import bill, raise productivity, and restore credibility with lenders and voters. In India, her focus was on showing that Sri Lanka was comfortable in mingling with the Indian elites and that it understood Indian sentiments.

This does not mean the Amarasuriya’s India visit has eliminated friction. Of course there are many issues to iron out with both countries. Some of the issues with China are the direct result of Indian pressure. For example, in late 2023, Sri Lanka imposed a moratorium on foreign research vessels visiting its ports due to continuous India pressure against the arrival of Chinese research vessels. Sri Lankan universities depended on partnerships with China for marine research. For almost two years, Sri Lankan students have been deprived of acquiring valuable experience in an international research setting with access to cutting-edge technologies. On the other hand, thousands of Indian fishermen, who use destructive fishing techniques, poach in Sri Lankan territorial waters, depriving the country of millions of dollars and endangering the livelihood of thousands of fishermen. The issue was discussed during Amarasuriya’s visit, but no one expects a solution anytime soon. Colombo has no effective method of stopping Indian fishermen and New Delhi sees no reason to stop its fishermen from poaching in Sri Lankan waters. On the other hand, IMF conditions on Sri Lanka, especially on tax concessions, have delayed the implementation of key agreements with China. The $3.7-billion deal with Sinopec is in limbo as the country can no longer provide tax concessions the Chinese want. Investments in the Port City have stalled due to the same reasons.

 

In the end, the value of Amarasuriya’s China-India shuttle diplomacy will be judged not by photo-ops but by whether it takes Sri Lanka closer to a more resilient economic and security posture. Balancing Beijing’s technology and financing with New Delhi’s proximity is not only sensible statecraft, but the only option available to Sri Lanka if it wants to develop, while protecting its sovereignty. If Colombo can convert ties with Beijing and Delhi into measurable domestic gains, faster ports, cheaper and cleaner power, stronger law enforcement, and higher-value tourism, the government could lay the foundations of a real economic recovery. Sri Lanka cannot control the temperature between its two largest partners, but it can control its own predictability, competence, and integrity. That ultimately is how a small state like Sri Lanka can turn great-power rivalry into national benefit.

 

By Rathindra Kuruwita

(Source - Diplomat)

Once envisioned as a vital arm of Sri Lanka’s maritime future, the Magampura Port Management Company (Private) Limited (MPMC) now stands as a stark reminder of how poor planning, weak oversight, and delayed accountability can sink state ventures into deep financial waters.

Formation and Purpose of MPMC

Established on July 5, 2013, as a subsidiary of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), MPMC was tasked with managing operations at the Hambantota Port later renamed the Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port.

The company began functioning as a licensed fuel supplier under the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, importing and storing fuel for re-export to international vessels. In 2014, it secured a hefty US $24 million loan from a private bank, guaranteed by the SLPA, in a bid to build a lucrative bunkering business.

Operational Collapse and Mounting Losses

But the dream was short-lived. A global oil price crash and operational inefficiencies soon turned MPMC’s high-stakes fuel venture into a financial nightmare. 

By 2017, losses had piled up, operations were suspended, and the company’s financial position had collapsed. As of 2023, an estimated US $18.8 million about Rs. 6.8 billion remains unpaid, with interest swelling the debt further. 

The loan default led to two court cases filed in 2020 against both the company and the Ports Authority, while liquidation proceedings only began in June 2022 nearly five years after operations ceased.

Audit Findings and Governance Failures

Auditor General’s reports reveal a grim picture of mismanagement: failure to verify fuel stocks, missing bank confirmations, and no clear action plan to recover losses or repay the loan. MPMC recorded a negative net-asset position of Rs. 2.79 billion by 2018, with accumulated losses of Rs. 2.87 billion. 

Yet, despite these warning signs, state authorities allowed the company to remain dormant, draining public funds and credibility.

“The collapse of MPMC represents a breakdown in corporate governance and financial accountability within the Ports Authority’s oversight structure,” a senior official at the Ministry of Ports and Shipping admitted, speaking on condition of anonymity. “It is a costly lesson on how not to manage state-owned subsidiaries.”

The repercussions extend beyond balance sheets. The Hambantota Port touted as a strategic maritime gateway—continues to battle public skepticism over its profitability and management after being leased to a Chinese joint venture in 2017. The dormant MPMC only adds to that shadow, raising concerns about how state-backed projects are planned and monitored.

The Cautionary Legacy of MPMC

Analysts warn that this failure could deter future investors and complicate Sri Lanka’s efforts to attract private participation in port and logistics infrastructure. “The problem wasn’t the port it was the execution. You can’t run a billion-dollar asset with a short-term business mindset and no risk safeguards,” said a former SLPA director.

As liquidation drags on, MPMC’s legacy remains a cautionary tale. It underscores the urgent need for the government to impose stronger financial discipline on its enterprises, ensure swift closure of loss-making entities, and align subsidiary operations with national strategic goals—before another “dormant” company silently drains the public purse.

In today’s world, where mobility defines influence, Sri Lanka finds itself at a crossroads. According to the CEOWORLD magazine’s Global Passport Power Ranking 2025, the country currently sits at 89th place, on par with Burundi and only eleven spots ahead of North Korea. That ranking underscores both a challenge and an opportunity.

Sri Lankan passport holders require visas for 141 destinations worldwide. Compare that with Singapore’s 23 visa requirements or the United Arab Emirates’ 19, and the gap is striking. Pakistan and Bangladesh fare worse—153 and 148 visa requirements respectively—but Sri Lanka remains far from the global elite.

The absence of visa-free access to the European Union, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States further limits Sri Lankans’ global mobility. For executives, investors, and professionals, this restriction hampers not just personal convenience but also cross-border business opportunities.

“Sri Lanka is not visa-free to Europe, the UK, Canada, or the US. It doesn’t rank in the top tier of passports. However, the power of the passport can be increased,” explains Caroline Mtr., JD, Esq, Chief Economist & Executive Director of Global and Strategic Initiatives at CEOWORLD magazine.

She notes that with carefully designed investment migration programs, countries can enhance global mobility for citizens while attracting much-needed capital. For Sri Lanka, such reforms could transform its passport from a limiting factor into a strategic asset—strengthening economic resilience and opening new opportunities for investors and global citizens alike.

The Global Benchmark

The Global Passport Power Ranking sorts passports by their Mobility Score (MS)—a composite that includes visa-free access, visa-on-arrival options, electronic travel authorizations (eTA), and expedited eVisa processes. The higher the MS score, the greater the global mobility.

At the very top sits the United Arab Emirates, with visa-free access to 133 countries, plus 46 more via visa-on-arrival, eTA, or eVisa. Stability, visionary policymaking, and a currency board–like monetary system make the UAE an investment magnet and a mobility powerhouse.

Sri Lanka, meanwhile, struggles with monetary instability—critics point to excessive money printing, rate cuts, and exchange controls that have triggered repeated currency crises. Combined with heavy outmigration (often through unofficial channels), the situation presents both risk and urgency.

Investment Migration: A Strategic Lever

CEOWORLD magazine has long advised governments on how to enhance passport strength while simultaneously attracting investment. The key tool? Investment migration programs—structured pathways to citizenship or residency in exchange for capital inflows.

“Stable countries, especially those with low tax rates, can attract foreign investors through investment and residency schemes,” explains Caroline. “We propose investing in citizenship and residency schemes for foreign investors, enabling them an extra citizenship in case of insecurity in their home country, to be able to relocate or to travel to a country like Sri Lanka, which their own initial passport does not allow them to do.”

Residency in Sri Lanka could appeal to investors who see strategic tax benefits or want to establish a base in South Asia. The island nation’s unique geographic position—straddling key Indian Ocean trade routes—could also give it a competitive advantage.

Still, Sri Lanka would be entering a crowded field. Singapore, Dubai, and Hong Kong already dominate with low taxes, investor-friendly frameworks, and globally respected passports. To attract serious investors, Sri Lanka must carve out a unique niche.

Targeting New Demographics: Retirees & Global Citizens

Sri Lanka stands at a crossroads, with the dual challenge of improving its global passport ranking and attracting foreign investment. For a nation navigating economic uncertainty, the path forward may lie in a strategy already embraced by many forward-looking economies: investment migration programs.

According to Prof. Dr. Amarendra Bhushan Dhiraj, CEOWORLD magazine’s Executive Chair, CEO, and Editorial Director, Sri Lanka has a genuine opportunity to reposition itself on the global stage.

“Sri Lanka’s passport ranking today reflects limited mobility, which restricts both citizens and investors. By carefully designing and implementing residency and citizenship-by-investment programs, the country can strengthen its global standing while simultaneously securing much-needed foreign capital. This dual benefit—enhanced passport power and capital inflows—can become a cornerstone of Sri Lanka’s long-term growth strategy.

To improve its ranking, Sri Lanka must engage in bilateral agreements with key economies, ensuring broader visa-free access for its citizens. Parallel to this, structured investment migration schemes can be developed to channel foreign capital into priority sectors such as real estate, agriculture, and infrastructure. A program tied to flagship projects like Colombo Port City could immediately attract high-net-worth individuals seeking second residency or citizenship options.

Global investors today are not just looking for mobility; they are seeking stability, lifestyle advantages, and tax efficiencies. Sri Lanka can position itself as a strategic hub in South Asia by offering transparent, credible, and competitive pathways to residency. With the right governance, due diligence, and incentive structures, Sri Lanka could rival established destinations that already dominate this space.

Improving passport strength is not merely about travel convenience. It signals to the world that a country is open, stable, and globally integrated. Coupled with a well-executed investment residency program, Sri Lanka can create a virtuous cycle—enhancing its international reputation, attracting foreign direct investment, and offering citizens and investors alike greater global access.”

For Sri Lanka, the stakes could not be higher. A stronger passport and a credible investment residency framework would not only bring in capital but also restore confidence, transform the nation’s global image, and unlock a new era of economic opportunity.

Investment residency programs are not just about entrepreneurs and hedge fund managers. Countries across Asia—from Thailand to Malaysia—have successfully targeted retirees looking for cost-effective yet high-quality living options.

“The same can be said for people who may want to relocate while on a retirement scheme, similar to those who flock to Thailand or Malaysia,” Caroline notes.

For Sri Lanka, this could mean positioning itself as a retirement haven for high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs) seeking tranquility, cultural richness, and favorable tax treatment. A carefully designed program could tap into a multi-billion-dollar global market of retirees seeking new lifestyles abroad.

Sri Lanka’s Debt Crisis and the Investment Imperative

Sri Lanka is currently navigating a severe debt crisis, with limited fiscal flexibility. According to Prof. Dr. Amarendra Bhushan Dhiraj, CEOWORLD magazine’s Executive Chair, CEO, and Editorial Director, investment residency programs could serve as a lifeline.

“Sri Lankans could also benefit from such programs. With Sri Lanka in a debt crisis, investment residency schemes could help the country get funding,” he said.

The opportunities lie in real estate, agriculture, and the ambitious Colombo Port City project. By structuring these sectors into residency or citizenship-by-investment programs, Sri Lanka could unlock fresh streams of foreign capital.

Real Estate: From Port City to National Potential

Real estate development is a natural candidate for investment migration. Around the world, programs often allow foreign investors to purchase property in exchange for residency rights.

“If a property developer has ideas for projects in Port City that they would like to bring to market, we could help them with that and structure their project as part of the country’s citizenship by investment program for foreign investors,” Caroline explained.

This model has worked elsewhere. From Portugal’s Golden Visa to Greece’s property-linked residency schemes, foreign capital has flowed in, creating new growth engines for real estate, hospitality, and infrastructure.

Agriculture: A Modernization Play

Beyond real estate, Sri Lanka has untapped potential in agriculture. The country’s fertile land and favorable climate offer natural advantages, but access to modern technology remains limited.

“From my observation of the agricultural sector, there’s a lack of access to the latest technology. I think that could be an avenue for the government to look at to direct funds into,” Caroline said.

By integrating agriculture into residency programs—whether through agri-tech investment, export-oriented farms, or climate-resilient projects—Sri Lanka could attract both capital and expertise.

Competing on the Global Stage

Sri Lanka is not alone in pursuing this path. Global competition for mobile wealth is fierce. The success stories—Dubai, Singapore, and Hong Kong—share three critical traits:

• Low or competitive tax regimes • Strong global mobility through powerful passports • Stable, investor-friendly political and economic environments

For Sri Lanka, achieving all three will be challenging but not impossible. A carefully structured program, combined with genuine reforms in fiscal policy and governance, could transform the country’s position in the global wealth migration landscape.

Executive Takeaway

Sri Lanka may rank near the bottom of the global passport hierarchy today, but its story is not static. By embracing investment migration programs, the nation could enhance passport strength, attract fresh inflows of foreign capital, and position itself as a strategic hub in the Indian Ocean.

For investors, the appeal would be twofold: a potential tax advantage and access to one of Asia’s most strategically located markets. For Sri Lanka, the payoff could be transformative—unlocking growth in real estate, agriculture, and infrastructure while stabilizing its fragile fiscal outlook.

The challenge is urgent, but so is the opportunity. If Sri Lanka takes decisive action, its passport could become more than a travel document—it could evolve into a gateway for global capital and economic revival.

(Despina Wilson - CEO World Magazine)